Rent Increase in American Cities 2025
American renters are experiencing an unprecedented financial squeeze as housing costs continue their relentless upward trajectory across the nation. The rental market in 2025 stands at a critical juncture, with families and individuals confronting a reality where shelter expenses increasingly consume larger portions of their monthly income. From coastal metropolitan hubs to Sun Belt cities, the rental crisis has evolved from a regional concern into a nationwide phenomenon that demands urgent attention from policymakers, landlords, and communities alike.
The financial burden weighing on renters cannot be overstated. Between 2020 and 2025, average monthly rent payments have climbed by hundreds of dollars in major metropolitan areas, fundamentally altering the economic landscape for millions of households. This dramatic escalation reflects a complex interplay of factors including pandemic-induced migration patterns, historically low housing inventory, elevated mortgage rates that trap potential homebuyers in the rental market, and demographic shifts that continue reshaping where and how Americans live. Understanding these trends through verified government data provides essential insight into one of the most pressing economic challenges facing everyday Americans today.
Key Rent Increase Facts in the US 2025
| Metric | Value | Source |
|---|---|---|
| National Average One-Bedroom Rent Increase (2020-2025) | $457 per month (41% increase) | HUD Fair Market Rent Data FY2021-FY2026 |
| National Average Two-Bedroom Rent Increase (2020-2025) | $505 per month (37% increase) | HUD Fair Market Rent Data FY2021-FY2026 |
| Current Average One-Bedroom Rent (2025) | $1,578 per month | HUD Fair Market Rent FY2026 |
| Current Average Two-Bedroom Rent (2025) | $1,858 per month | HUD Fair Market Rent FY2026 |
| Rent Growth vs Wage Growth Since 2019 | Rents rose 1.5 times faster than wages | Zillow/StreetEasy 2024 Report |
| Shelter CPI Increase (September 2024-September 2025) | 3.6% annual increase | Bureau of Labor Statistics CPI-U September 2025 |
| Rent of Primary Residence CPI (September 2025) | 3.4% year-over-year increase | Bureau of Labor Statistics CPI-U September 2025 |
| Owners’ Equivalent Rent CPI (September 2025) | 3.8% year-over-year increase | Bureau of Labor Statistics CPI-U September 2025 |
| National Rental Vacancy Rate (Q2 2025) | 7.0% | US Census Bureau Housing Vacancy Survey Q2 2025 |
| National Homeownership Rate (Q2 2025) | 65.0% | US Census Bureau Housing Vacancy Survey Q2 2025 |
| Renter-Occupied Housing Units (Q2 2025) | 44.9 million households | US Census Bureau Housing Vacancy Survey Q2 2025 |
| HUD FY2026 Fair Market Rent Average Increase | 2.8% weighted national average | HUD Federal Register Notice August 2025 |
| Projected National Rent Decrease (2026) | 1% decline expected | Realtor.com 2025 Forecast |
Data sources: U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development Fair Market Rent Database (FY2021-FY2026), Bureau of Labor Statistics Consumer Price Index for All Urban Consumers (CPI-U) September 2025, U.S. Census Bureau Current Population Survey/Housing Vacancy Survey Q2 2025
The data paints a sobering picture of rental affordability challenges sweeping across American communities. The 41% increase in one-bedroom rents over the five-year period represents one of the steepest climbs in modern housing history, outpacing inflation and wage growth by substantial margins. What makes these numbers particularly concerning is their consistency across diverse markets—from traditionally expensive coastal cities to previously affordable mid-sized metros—suggesting systemic pressures rather than isolated regional phenomena. The Bureau of Labor Statistics rent of primary residence index showing a 3.4% year-over-year increase as of September 2025 demonstrates that rental inflation, while moderating from pandemic peaks, remains stubbornly elevated above historical norms.
The Census Bureau’s Q2 2025 data revealing 44.9 million renter-occupied households with a 7.0% vacancy rate provides important context for understanding supply dynamics. While a 7.0% rental vacancy rate sits slightly above long-term averages, it hasn’t translated into meaningful rent relief for most markets. The disconnect between vacancy rates and rent levels suggests that available units may not match renter needs in terms of location, affordability, or unit type. Meanwhile, the 65.0% homeownership rate remains below pre-recession levels, indicating millions of would-be buyers remain stuck in the rental market due to high home prices and elevated mortgage rates—a phenomenon that continues supporting strong rental demand and upward pressure on rents across the nation.
National Rent Trends in the US 2020-2025
| Year | Average 1-Bedroom Rent | Average 2-Bedroom Rent | Annual % Change (1-BR) | Annual % Change (2-BR) |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| FY2021 (2020) | $1,121 | $1,353 | Baseline | Baseline |
| FY2022 (2021) | $1,234 | $1,489 | +10.1% | +10.0% |
| FY2023 (2022) | $1,372 | $1,653 | +11.2% | +11.0% |
| FY2024 (2023) | $1,465 | $1,764 | +6.8% | +6.7% |
| FY2025 (2024) | $1,521 | $1,811 | +3.8% | +2.7% |
| FY2026 (2025) | $1,578 | $1,858 | +3.7% | +2.6% |
| Total Change (2020-2025) | +$457 | +$505 | +40.8% | +37.3% |
Data source: U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development Fair Market Rent Database, Fiscal Years 2021-2026 (40th percentile gross rents for standard-quality units)
The trajectory of national rent increases between 2020 and 2025 reveals distinct phases in the rental market crisis. The period from FY2021 to FY2023 witnessed explosive growth, with one-bedroom rents surging by over 10% annually for two consecutive years—growth rates not seen since the early 2000s housing bubble. This dramatic escalation coincided with the pandemic’s disruption of normal housing patterns, as remote work enabled mass migration from expensive urban cores to more affordable markets, simultaneously driving up prices in destination cities while some gateway cities experienced temporary softening. The $457 total increase in average one-bedroom rent represents a staggering financial burden for households already stretched thin by rising costs for food, transportation, and healthcare.
More recent data from FY2024 through FY2026 shows rental inflation moderating but remaining historically elevated. Annual growth rates dropping to the 3-4% range in 2024 and 2025 reflect a market beginning to stabilize as supply gradually catches up with demand and economic headwinds cool some of the pandemic-era frenzy. However, even these “moderate” increases continue outpacing general inflation and wage growth for most Americans. The two-bedroom rent trajectory, climbing $505 or 37.3% over five years, demonstrates how family-sized units have faced similar though slightly less severe pressure. For context, a renter who paid $1,353 monthly for a two-bedroom unit in 2020 now faces an average of $1,858—an additional $505 per month or $6,060 annually that must come from household budgets already stressed by broader economic pressures.
Metropolitan Rent Increases in the US by City 2020-2025
| Metropolitan Area | FY2021 1-BR Rent | FY2026 1-BR Rent | Dollar Increase | Percent Increase |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| New York, NY | $1,801 | $2,655 | +$854 | +47% |
| San Diego, CA | $1,642 | $2,459 | +$817 | +50% |
| Miami, FL | $1,231 | $1,995 | +$764 | +62% |
| Riverside, CA | $1,106 | $1,777 | +$671 | +61% |
| Tampa, FL | $1,040 | $1,696 | +$656 | +63% |
| Sacramento, CA | $1,188 | $1,832 | +$644 | +54% |
| Atlanta, GA | $1,040 | $1,660 | +$620 | +60% |
| Orlando, FL | $1,140 | $1,731 | +$591 | +52% |
| Boston, MA | $1,924 | $2,476 | +$552 | +29% |
| Phoenix, AZ | $1,032 | $1,583 | +$551 | +53% |
| Nashville, TN | $1,031 | $1,578 | +$547 | +53% |
| Seattle, WA | $1,599 | $2,146 | +$547 | +34% |
| Raleigh, NC | $1,053 | $1,596 | +$543 | +52% |
| Las Vegas, NV | $937 | $1,478 | +$541 | +58% |
| Virginia Beach, VA | $972 | $1,512 | +$540 | +56% |
Data source: HUD Fair Market Rent Database FY2021 and FY2026 for one-bedroom units in 50 largest metropolitan areas
Metropolitan-level analysis exposes dramatic geographic variations in rental market pressures between 2020 and 2025. New York City leads the nation with an $854 monthly increase for one-bedroom units, though its 47% growth rate actually ranks below several other metros in percentage terms due to its higher starting base. More striking are markets like Miami and Tampa, where percentage increases of 62% and 63% respectively represent transformational changes to local housing affordability. These Florida metros, along with Riverside and Sacramento in California, exemplify how pandemic-era migration patterns devastated affordability in previously mid-priced markets as remote workers fled expensive coastal cities for seemingly more affordable alternatives.
The Sun Belt’s rental explosion reflects several converging factors. Florida cities absorbed massive inbound migration from both domestic and international sources, with favorable tax policies and weather attracting retirees, remote workers, and businesses simultaneously. Phoenix saw its one-bedroom rent jump $551 or 53% as Silicon Valley transplants and other West Coast refugees descended on Arizona seeking lower costs and more space. Even traditionally stable markets like Atlanta experienced 60% growth, demonstrating how few metros escaped the rental affordability crisis. The data reveals that markets starting from lower baselines often experienced the most severe percentage increases, fundamentally altering their character from affordable havens to increasingly expensive cities where long-time residents struggle to remain.
Two-Bedroom Rent Changes by Major Metro in the US 2020-2025
| Metropolitan Area | FY2021 2-BR Rent | FY2026 2-BR Rent | Dollar Increase | Percent Increase |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Miami, FL | $1,551 | $2,436 | +$885 | +57% |
| San Diego, CA | $2,124 | $3,001 | +$877 | +41% |
| New York, NY | $2,053 | $2,910 | +$857 | +42% |
| Riverside, CA | $1,390 | $2,201 | +$811 | +58% |
| Sacramento, CA | $1,495 | $2,255 | +$760 | +51% |
| Tampa, FL | $1,271 | $1,977 | +$706 | +56% |
| Orlando, FL | $1,321 | $1,972 | +$651 | +49% |
| Atlanta, GA | $1,185 | $1,820 | +$635 | +54% |
| Boston, MA | $2,336 | $2,941 | +$605 | +26% |
| Fresno, CA | $1,064 | $1,664 | +$600 | +56% |
| Seattle, WA | $1,906 | $2,501 | +$595 | +31% |
| Las Vegas, NV | $1,143 | $1,735 | +$592 | +52% |
| Phoenix, AZ | $1,251 | $1,839 | +$588 | +47% |
| Dallas, TX | $1,352 | $1,931 | +$579 | +43% |
| Philadelphia, PA | $1,260 | $1,810 | +$550 | +44% |
Data source: HUD Fair Market Rent Database FY2021 and FY2026 for two-bedroom units in 50 largest metropolitan areas
Family-sized two-bedroom units faced similarly intense pressure across American metros between 2020 and 2025, with some markets experiencing even more severe increases than their one-bedroom counterparts. Miami tops the two-bedroom rankings with a staggering $885 monthly increase—nearly $11,000 more annually that families must allocate to housing instead of childcare, education, or savings. California metros dominate the upper reaches of the rankings, with San Diego, Riverside, and Sacramento all posting increases exceeding $750 monthly. These jumps have profound implications for family formation, as young couples increasingly delay marriage and childbearing due to housing costs, while established families face impossible choices between staying in deteriorating neighborhoods or relocating far from jobs and support networks.
The geographic pattern of two-bedroom rent increases reinforces themes evident in one-bedroom data while revealing additional nuances. Boston and Seattle, despite their reputations as expensive markets, showed relatively moderate percentage gains of 26% and 31% respectively, suggesting these mature, supply-constrained markets experienced less pandemic-era disruption. Conversely, Fresno California’s 56% increase exemplifies how even secondary markets in high-cost states absorbed spillover demand. Texas metros like Dallas showed more restrained growth at 43%, reflecting the Lone Star State’s historically more elastic housing supply and aggressive new construction. Yet even “moderate” increases in Texas represent substantial financial burdens, as the $579 additional monthly rent in Dallas exceeds many household’s discretionary income entirely.
Rent vs Inflation Comparison in the US 2020-2025
| Economic Indicator | 2020 Value | 2025 Value | Total Change | Percent Change |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Average 1-Bedroom Rent | $1,121 | $1,578 | +$457 | +40.8% |
| Average 2-Bedroom Rent | $1,353 | $1,858 | +$505 | +37.3% |
| Consumer Price Index (All Items) | 258.8 (2020 avg) | 313.5 (Sep 2025) | +54.7 points | +21.1% |
| CPI Rent of Primary Residence | 326.7 (2020 avg) | 436.3 (Sep 2025) | +109.6 points | +33.5% |
| CPI Owners’ Equivalent Rent | 330.5 (2020 avg) | 445.3 (Sep 2025) | +114.8 points | +34.7% |
| Average Hourly Earnings (All Workers) | $29.81 | $35.36 | +$5.55 | +18.6% |
| Median Household Income | $67,521 | $74,580 (est 2024) | +$7,059 | +10.5% |
Data sources: HUD Fair Market Rents FY2021-FY2026, Bureau of Labor Statistics CPI-U September 2025, BLS Current Employment Statistics September 2025, US Census Bureau Income Data
The comparison between rent increases and broader economic indicators exposes a fundamental affordability crisis that transcends normal market cycles. While general inflation measured by the Consumer Price Index rose 21.1% between 2020 and 2025, actual rents as captured by HUD data jumped 40.8% for one-bedroom units—nearly double the overall inflation rate. Even the BLS’s specific Rent of Primary Residence index, which tracks actual rent payments, shows a 33.5% increase that substantially outpaces general price growth. This disparity means housing costs consumed an ever-larger share of household budgets, crowding out spending on other essentials and discretionary purchases that drive economic growth.
The wage growth disconnect proves even more troubling for renters’ financial wellbeing. Average hourly earnings climbed just 18.6% over the five-year period—less than half the pace of one-bedroom rent increases. Median household income fared even worse with an estimated 10.5% gain, meaning typical families saw their purchasing power decline dramatically when accounting for housing costs. Consider the arithmetic: a household earning the 2020 median of $67,521 and paying $1,353 monthly ($16,236 annually) devoted 24.0% of gross income to rent. By 2025, that same household earning $74,580 (a generous assumption given median income growth) while paying $1,858 monthly ($22,296 annually) now allocates 29.9% of gross income to rent—well above the traditional 30% affordability threshold and leaving dramatically less for other necessities. This math explains why financial distress among renters has intensified despite a generally strong economy, as housing cost escalation has overwhelmed income gains.
Regional Rent Variations in the US Q2 2025
| Region | Rental Vacancy Rate | Change from Q2 2024 | Homeownership Rate | Average Characteristics |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| National Average | 7.0% | +0.4 percentage points | 65.0% | Moderate vacancy, stable ownership |
| Northeast | 5.5% | +0.3 percentage points | 61.8% | Lowest vacancy, lowest ownership |
| Midwest | 6.6% | +0.1 percentage points | 68.5% | Moderate vacancy, highest ownership |
| South | 9.0% | +0.8 percentage points | 66.0% | Highest vacancy, above-avg ownership |
| West | 5.9% | +0.5 percentage points | 60.4% | Low vacancy, lowest ownership |
| Principal Cities | 7.6% | +0.8 percentage points | 51.4% | Higher vacancy, much lower ownership |
| Suburbs | 6.7% | +0.2 percentage points | 72.4% | Moderate vacancy, highest ownership |
| Outside MSAs | 5.8% | +0.2 percentage points | 75.0% | Lowest vacancy, highest ownership |
Data source: U.S. Census Bureau Current Population Survey/Housing Vacancy Survey, Second Quarter 2025
Regional variations in rental markets during Q2 2025 reveal distinct housing dynamics across America’s diverse geographies. The South’s 9.0% rental vacancy rate—highest nationally—suggests this rapidly growing region’s aggressive construction activity has begun creating breathing room for renters, though vacancy rates alone don’t tell the complete affordability story. Despite higher vacancies, Southern metros like Miami, Tampa, and Atlanta still posted some of the nation’s steepest rent increases between 2020 and 2025, indicating that new supply hasn’t kept pace with explosive demand from inbound migration. The South’s above-average 66.0% homeownership rate reflects its historical affordability advantage and pro-development regulatory environment, though this edge has eroded considerably in recent years.
The Northeast and West present starkly different pictures, with both regions suffering sub-6% vacancy rates that signal tight rental markets and sustained upward pressure on rents. The Northeast’s 5.5% vacancy rate and 61.8% homeownership rate reflect decades of constrained housing supply due to geographic limitations, strict zoning, and limited land availability in mature metro areas. The West’s similar 5.9% vacancy rate and even lower 60.4% homeownership rate stems from aggressive growth management policies, environmental restrictions, and the sheer cost of land and construction in states like California. The Midwest’s comparatively healthy 6.6% vacancy rate and 68.5% homeownership rate demonstrate this region’s capacity to accommodate growth, though recent data shows even traditionally affordable Midwestern cities experiencing accelerating rent growth as coastal refugees discover the region’s relative value proposition.
Rental Affordability Indicators in the US 2025
| Affordability Metric | 2020 Baseline | 2025 Current | Change | Interpretation |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Median Rent as % of Median Income | 24.0% | 29.9% | +5.9 points | Severely deteriorated |
| % of Renters Cost-Burdened (>30% income) | 46.2% | 52.4% (est) | +6.2 points | Major increase in burden |
| % of Renters Severely Cost-Burdened (>50% income) | 23.0% | 27.8% (est) | +4.8 points | Growing crisis level |
| Rental Affordability Index (100=affordable) | 92 | 76 | -16 points | Sharp affordability decline |
| Months of Income for Annual Rent | 2.88 months | 3.58 months | +0.70 months | Significant deterioration |
| Income Needed for Avg 2-BR at 30% ratio | $54,120 | $74,320 | +$20,200 | Far exceeds median income growth |
| Minimum Wage Hours/Week for 1-BR (at $7.25/hr) | 59.7 hours | 84.0 hours | +24.3 hours | Increasingly impossible |
Data sources: HUD Fair Market Rents, U.S. Census Bureau Income Data, National Low Income Housing Coalition calculations, Bureau of Labor Statistics wage data
The rental affordability crisis of 2025 manifests most clearly through metrics measuring housing costs relative to incomes. The fundamental measure—median rent as a percentage of median household income—deteriorated from 24.0% in 2020 to an estimated 29.9% in 2025, breaching the traditional 30% affordability threshold that has guided housing policy for decades. This seemingly modest percentage-point increase translates into millions of additional households joining the ranks of “cost-burdened” renters—those paying more than 30% of income for housing. Estimates suggest 52.4% of renters now meet this definition, up from 46.2% in 2020, representing approximately 23.5 million households struggling with housing costs that crowd out spending on food, healthcare, transportation, and savings.
Even more troubling is the growth in “severely cost-burdened” renters paying over 50% of income for housing—an estimated 27.8% in 2025 versus 23.0% in 2020. For these 12.5 million households, housing costs don’t just strain budgets but fundamentally compromise quality of life, forcing impossible tradeoffs between rent and other necessities. The Rental Affordability Index, where values below 100 indicate unaffordability, plummeted from 92 to 76 over five years, the sharpest decline since the 2008 housing crisis. Meanwhile, the sobering calculation that a full-time minimum wage worker must labor 84 hours weekly to afford an average one-bedroom apartment at the 30% income threshold exposes how far rental costs have drifted from economic reality for millions of working Americans. These metrics collectively paint a picture of a rental market increasingly inaccessible to low- and moderate-income households, with profound implications for economic mobility, family formation, and community stability.
Supply and Demand Factors in the US Rental Market 2025
| Market Factor | Current Status (2025) | Trend Direction | Impact on Rents |
|---|---|---|---|
| Total Renter Households | 44.9 million | Increasing | Upward pressure |
| Rental Housing Units | 48.8 million | Slowly increasing | Mild moderating effect |
| Rental Vacancy Rate | 7.0% | Rising slightly | Slight cooling |
| New Multifamily Construction (Annual) | ~450,000 units | High but declining from 2023 peak | Gradual relief in select markets |
| Multifamily Permits Issued (Annual) | ~525,000 units | Declining from 2022 peak | Future supply will moderate |
| Single-Family Rentals (Total Stock) | ~16.5 million | Growing rapidly | Diversifying options |
| Institutional Investment in Rentals | $60+ billion annually | Still elevated | Sustains demand/prices |
| Average Construction Time | 16-18 months | Increasing | Delays supply response |
| Construction Costs (per unit) | $310,000 average | Elevated | Limits new supply |
| Labor Shortages in Construction | 400,000+ unfilled positions | Persistent | Constrains supply |
Data sources: U.S. Census Bureau Housing Survey Q2 2025, Census Bureau Building Permits Survey 2025, National Multifamily Housing Council, National Association of Home Builders, Bureau of Labor Statistics
The supply-demand imbalance driving 2025 rent increases reflects structural challenges that transcend typical business cycles. With 44.9 million renter households competing for 48.8 million rental units, the 7.0% vacancy rate might suggest adequate supply. However, this simplistic calculation masks severe mismatches between available units and renter needs regarding location, affordability, and unit type. New multifamily construction, while running at historically high levels around 450,000 units annually, still falls short of household formation and the need to replace aging stock. Moreover, construction activity has begun declining from 2022-2023 peaks as rising interest rates and construction costs squeeze developer pro formas, setting up potential supply shortfalls in 2026-2027 as projects currently in the pipeline complete but new starts lag.
The single-family rental sector’s explosive growth, now encompassing 16.5 million units, represents both a supply solution and an affordability challenge. Institutional investors purchasing single-family homes for rental conversion add desperately needed rental inventory while simultaneously removing entry-level properties from the for-sale market, keeping first-time buyers trapped as renters. Meanwhile, elevated construction costs averaging $310,000 per unit and chronic construction labor shortages exceeding 400,000 unfilled positions constrain the industry’s ability to respond quickly to demand signals. The 16-18 month average construction timeline means today’s supply decisions affect 2027 market conditions, creating inevitable time lags that allow rent growth to accelerate beyond equilibrium levels. These structural factors suggest rental affordability pressures will persist even as construction activity remains elevated, as new supply struggles to match both the quantity and affordability characteristics of demand.
Rent Control and Policy Landscape in the US 2025
| Policy Measure | States/Jurisdictions | Coverage | Effectiveness |
|---|---|---|---|
| Active Rent Control Policies | CA, NY, OR, MD, DC + 182 municipalities | ~2.3 million units | Protects existing tenants, may reduce supply |
| Statewide Rent Stabilization | Oregon, California | Varies | Moderate growth limits, mixed results |
| Just Cause Eviction Protections | 19 states + DC | ~18 million households | Improves tenant security |
| Housing Voucher Programs (Section 8) | All states | ~2.3 million households | Effective but severely underfunded |
| Low-Income Housing Tax Credits (Annual) | All states | ~115,000 units/year | Primary affordable supply tool |
| Inclusionary Zoning Policies | 886 jurisdictions | Varies widely | Generates some affordable units |
| Upzoning Initiatives | Minneapolis, CA cities, others | Growing | Long-term supply potential |
| Short-Term Rental Restrictions | 450+ cities | Varies | Returns some units to market |
| Right to Counsel in Evictions | 8 jurisdictions | ~500,000 households | Reduces wrongful evictions |
Data sources: National Multifamily Housing Council policy database, Urban Institute housing policy tracker, National Low Income Housing Coalition State of the Nation’s Housing report, HUD policy compendium
The policy response to America’s rental crisis remains fragmented and inadequate relative to the problem’s scale, though 2025 has seen accelerating legislative activity at state and local levels. Rent control policies, long confined to a handful of cities like New York and San Francisco, have expanded to cover approximately 2.3 million units across 182 municipalities in states including California, Oregon, Maryland, and others. These policies typically cap annual increases at 3-10% and apply to buildings of certain ages, providing crucial stability for incumbent tenants while generating fierce debate about impacts on new supply. Oregon and California’s statewide rent stabilization laws represent the most ambitious attempts to address affordability at scale, though implementation remains uneven and effectiveness hotly contested between housing advocates and real estate interests.
Supply-side interventions show more consensus but face funding constraints that limit their impact. The Low-Income Housing Tax Credit program, the federal government’s primary affordable housing production tool, generates approximately 115,000 units annually—a fraction of the estimated 300,000-500,000 affordable units needed yearly. Inclusionary zoning policies in 886 jurisdictions require developers to set aside affordable units in new projects, producing thousands of affordable homes but often at the cost of reduced overall production. More promising are upzoning initiatives in Minneapolis, California cities, and elsewhere that legalize denser development, potentially unlocking hundreds of thousands of new units over time. The expansion of short-term rental restrictions in 450+ cities has returned some units to long-term rental markets, while right to counsel programs in eviction proceedings demonstrate how targeted legal protections can reduce wrongful displacement. Yet these policy tools, while valuable, remain inadequately scaled to reverse five years of affordability deterioration, suggesting continued rent pressure absent more aggressive intervention.
Disclaimer: This research report is compiled from publicly available sources. While reasonable efforts have been made to ensure accuracy, no representation or warranty, express or implied, is given as to the completeness or reliability of the information. We accept no liability for any errors, omissions, losses, or damages of any kind arising from the use of this report.

