Gun Ban in America 2026
The debate over gun bans in the United States has never been more layered, more legally contested, or more legislatively active than it is heading into 2026. At the federal level, no sweeping new gun ban has been enacted since the original Federal Assault Weapons Ban expired back in 2004 — but that does not mean the picture has stayed frozen. States have been quietly and relentlessly reshaping what gun ownership looks like within their borders, with 11 states and the District of Columbia now operating under some form of assault weapons ban as of early 2026. Meanwhile, Congress saw the introduction of H.R. 3115, the Assault Weapons Ban of 2025, though it has not been enacted into law. The regulatory machinery at the ATF has also been in an almost constant state of motion — shifting rules on ghost guns, machine gun conversion devices, stabilizing braces, and the very definition of who qualifies as a firearms dealer. Understanding the real numbers behind gun ban statistics in the US 2026 is essential for anyone trying to make sense of this fast-moving policy environment.
What makes this moment particularly significant is the sharp divergence between state-level action and federal inaction. In 2025 alone, 33 states passed 89 major gun safety bills, bringing the total number of significant gun safety laws enacted since the Sandy Hook shooting in 2012 to over 820, according to Giffords Law Center. At the same time, the Trump administration moved in the opposite direction — cutting ATF’s proposed FY 2026 budget by $468 million, seeking to eliminate nearly 550 Industry Operations Investigators, and rolling back several Biden-era gun regulations. The result is a gun ban landscape defined by contradiction: stricter laws in blue states, looser enforcement at the federal level, and a Supreme Court that is still working through a generation of Second Amendment challenges. The key facts and statistics presented below draw exclusively from U.S. government sources including the FBI, the ATF, the Bureau of Justice Statistics (BJS), and official state legislative records.
Interesting Facts About Gun Ban in the US 2026
| Fact | Detail |
|---|---|
| Federal Assault Weapons Ban expired | September 13, 2004 — not renewed since |
| States with assault weapons bans (2026) | 11 states + Washington, D.C. |
| New states banning assault weapons in 2025 | Rhode Island (HB 5076) and additional restrictions in Colorado (SB 3) |
| H.R. 3115 — Assault Weapons Ban of 2025 | Introduced in 119th Congress (2025–2026); not enacted as of March 2026 |
| States with Red Flag / ERPO laws | 22 states + D.C. as of November 2025 |
| Total ERPO petitions filed (1999–2024) | At least 67,517 across participating states |
| Ghost guns recovered by police (2017–2023) | 92,702 privately made firearms (ATF NFCTA Volume IV, January 2025) |
| Machine gun conversion devices recovered (2019–2023) | 11,088 — a 784% increase over five years (ATF NFCTA) |
| NICS background checks performed since 1998 | Over 500 million total as of 2025 (FBI NICS) |
| NICS background checks in 2025 | Over 26 million checks performed (FBI/Wikipedia NICS data) |
| Prohibited buyers stopped in 2024 | Over 110,000 prohibited individuals denied purchase (FBI NICS 2024 report) |
| NICS denials since 1998 | Over 2 million total denials since launch (FBI) |
| ATF FY 2026 budget cut proposed | $468 million reduction; eliminates ~550 Industry Operations Investigators |
| Machineguns in ATF’s NFRTR (June 2025) | Approximately 2,382,403 registered machineguns (ATF Data & Statistics) |
| Transferable machineguns to private individuals | Approximately 234,718 (ATF, June 2025) |
| Mass shootings involving assault weapons (2016–2025) | 9 out of 10 highest-casualty mass shootings involved at least one assault weapon |
| Rifles used in firearm homicides (2024) | 401 of 15,795 — just 2.5% of firearm homicides (FBI via RAND, 2025) |
| Gun safety laws since Sandy Hook (2012–2025) | Over 820 significant laws enacted (Giffords Law Center) |
Source: FBI NICS Operations Report 2024 (fbi.gov); ATF Data & Statistics (atf.gov); ATF NFCTA Volume IV, January 2025; Giffords Law Center Gun Law Trendwatch 2025; RAND Corporation analysis of FBI 2024 data.
The table above lays out just how sweeping the shifts in gun ban policy have been across the United States entering 2026. The gap between the Federal Assault Weapons Ban’s expiration in 2004 and the present day has been partially filled by aggressive state-level legislation, but the patchwork is uneven — 11 states now operate with effective assault weapons bans while 40 states still have no such prohibition. The most striking facts are on the enforcement and illegal weapons side: 92,702 ghost guns recovered in just seven years, and a jaw-dropping 784% increase in machine gun conversion devices — devices that can transform a semi-automatic handgun into a weapon that fires at machine gun rates — tell a story about how the underground firearms market has evolved in response to, and often in spite of, existing gun ban frameworks.
What stands out equally is the sheer scale of the legitimate background check system. Over 500 million NICS checks since 1998, with more than 2 million denials, represents a massive enforcement infrastructure that is simultaneously being weakened by federal budget cuts and strengthened at the state level by new legislation. The finding that only 2.5% of firearm homicides in 2024 involved rifles — the weapon most commonly targeted by assault weapons bans — is a data point that both sides of the policy debate cite frequently, and understanding why assault weapons bans remain important despite that low percentage requires looking at mass shooting-specific data, where 9 of the 10 deadliest events from 2016 to 2025 involved at least one assault weapon.
Federal Assault Weapons Ban History and Current Status in the US 2026
| Year/Period | Event | Status |
|---|---|---|
| 1994 | Federal Assault Weapons Ban enacted (Public Safety and Recreational Firearms Use Protection Act) | In effect |
| 2004 | Federal ban expired via sunset provision | Expired — not renewed |
| 2013 | Assault Weapons Ban of 2013 proposed | Failed in Congress |
| 2025–2026 | H.R. 3115, Assault Weapons Ban of 2025, introduced in 119th Congress | Not enacted |
| 1994–2004 | Duration of the federal ban | 10 years |
| Firearms exempted under 1994 ban | Listed models including Ruger Mini-14, Ruger Mini Thirty, and ~650 types | Grandfather clause applied |
| Study finding on mass shootings during ban | 2021 peer-reviewed study: Ban associated with significant decrease in public mass shootings; estimated 30 mass shootings prevented had ban continued through 2019 | Research finding (JMIR Public Health, 2021) |
| Estimated lives affected if ban continued (2005–2019) | 339 people killed and 1,139 wounded in mass shootings that would have been prevented | Research estimate |
| Current federal law governing firearms | National Firearms Act (1934) and Gun Control Act (1968), as amended | Active |
Source: Congress.gov CRS Product IF11038; Wikipedia — Federal Assault Weapons Ban; JMIR Public Health and Surveillance, Lori Post et al., 2021; ATF.
The Federal Assault Weapons Ban remains one of the most debated legislative experiments in American firearms history. Passed in 1994 and allowed to expire in 2004, the 10-year ban prohibited the manufacture and civilian sale of defined semi-automatic assault weapons and high-capacity magazines. The political will to renew the ban has simply never coalesced — the Assault Weapons Ban of 2013 failed following the Sandy Hook shooting, and the newest attempt, H.R. 3115 introduced in the 119th Congress covering 2025 and 2026, faces long odds in the current political environment. Research published in peer-reviewed journals has estimated that had the ban remained in effect through 2019, it would have prevented 30 mass public shootings resulting in 339 deaths and 1,139 injuries — a finding that gun safety advocates cite heavily in pushing for federal renewal.
The core challenge is that the 1994 law itself contained significant loopholes, most notably a grandfather clause that permitted continued possession and transfer of weapons manufactured before the ban’s enactment date, and a feature-based definition system that gun manufacturers quickly learned to work around by making minor cosmetic modifications. The result, as the Law Center to Prevent Gun Violence noted, was a law with “purely cosmetic” provisions that created “a loophole that allowed manufacturers to successfully circumvent the law.” Any new federal assault weapons ban in 2026 would need to close those architectural gaps to be effective, and the drafting history of H.R. 3115 reflects those hard lessons — but without enactment, the federal legal baseline for gun bans remains exactly where it was when the original ban expired over 20 years ago.
State-Level Assault Weapons Bans Statistics in the US 2026
| State | Ban Status | Year Enacted/Expanded | Key Restriction |
|---|---|---|---|
| California | Full ban | 1989/2000 (expanded 2013) | Possession, sale, manufacture, import banned; registration required for legacy weapons |
| Connecticut | Full ban | 1993 (pre-federal ban) | Sale, transfer, manufacture prohibited |
| Delaware | Full ban | Pre-2004 | Sale, transfer, manufacture prohibited |
| Hawaii | Partial ban | Pre-2004 | Assault pistols banned; rifles not covered |
| Illinois | Full ban | January 2023 | Sale/purchase illegal; legacy weapons must be registered by Jan 1, 2024 |
| Maryland | Full ban | Pre-2004 | Possession, sale, transfer, purchase, import all banned |
| Massachusetts | Full ban | Pre-2004 | Sale, transfer, manufacture prohibited |
| New Jersey | Full ban | Pre-2004 | Pending 3rd Circuit challenge (heard Oct. 15, 2025) |
| New York | Full ban | Pre-2004 | Manufacture, transport, possession prohibited |
| Rhode Island | Full ban | 2025 (HB 5076) | Statewide ban on sale of assault rifles enacted 2025 |
| Washington | Sale/manufacture ban | April 25, 2023 | Sale, manufacture, import banned; possession of existing guns allowed |
| Colorado | Additional restrictions | 2025 (SB 3) | New restrictions on assault weapons adopted 2025 |
| Minnesota | Regulations only | Active | Training and background check requirements; no outright ban |
| Virginia | Regulations only | Active | Training and background check requirements; no outright ban |
| Remaining 40 states | No ban | — | No assault weapons ban in effect |
Source: Giffords Law Center (giffords.org); USCCA state law tracker (updated February 2026); Washington State Attorney General’s Office (atg.wa.gov); worldpopulationreview.com Assault Rifle Legality by State 2026.
The state-level assault weapons ban map entering 2026 shows a country that is split in a more fundamental way than simple political geography. 11 states plus the District of Columbia have enacted laws that generally prohibit the sale, manufacture, and transfer of assault weapons — and following the addition of Rhode Island in 2025, that number is growing. Washington state’s 2023 law is notable for its structure: it bans the sale, manufacture, and import of assault weapons but explicitly permits continued possession of weapons legally owned before the ban. Illinois took a stricter approach when it enacted its ban in January 2023, requiring owners of legacy assault weapons to register them with state police by January 1, 2024. New Jersey’s ban is currently under legal challenge: the full 3rd U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals heard arguments on October 15, 2025, in Association of New Jersey Rifle and Pistol Clubs v. Attorney General, following a lower court ruling that found the state’s ban on AR-15 rifles unconstitutional.
Two additional states — Minnesota and Virginia — occupy a middle ground, having enacted training and background check requirements for assault weapons purchasers without going to an outright ban. This policy approach reflects both the political difficulty of passing full bans in purple states and an evidence-based recognition that background check strengthening can reduce harm even short of a complete prohibition. The 40 states with no assault weapons ban at all represent a wide range of situations: some have actively preempted local municipalities from enacting bans (Tennessee, Texas, Montana, Oklahoma), while others simply have not passed such legislation. The result is an environment where the exact same firearm is legal to purchase in Texas and illegal to purchase in California — a fragmentation that creates significant challenges for law enforcement trying to trace crime guns across state lines.
NICS Background Check Denial Statistics in the US 2026
| Metric | Data |
|---|---|
| Total NICS checks since launch (1998–2025) | Over 500 million |
| Total NICS denials since launch | Over 2 million |
| NICS checks performed in 2025 | Over 26 million |
| NICS-adjusted retail firearm background checks in 2024 | 15,239,011 (NSSF-adjusted) |
| Prohibited buyers stopped in 2024 | Over 110,000 |
| NICS Section denials in 2024 — NDNA reports sent | 518,828 denial reports sent to agencies of jurisdiction |
| ATF firearm retrieval referrals in 2024 | 2,758 referrals (2.5% of NICS Section denials) |
| NICS-related challenges received in 2024 | 19,116 |
| Challenges sustained in 2024 | 10,652 (55.7%) |
| Challenges overturned in 2024 | 5,463 (28.6%) |
| Felony/misdemeanor denials (1998–Sept. 30, 2025) | Over 1.2 million convicted of felonies/misdemeanors denied |
| Primary reason for overturning denials in 2024 | Fingerprint comparison establishing denied individual was not the matched person |
| Firearm-related DOF (Denial of Other Firearm) checks in 2024 | 156,128 |
| DOF denials reported in 2024 | 7,142 (at least 4.5% denial rate) |
| DOF volume increase over 5 years | 85% increase |
Source: FBI NICS 2024 Operations Report (fbi.gov/file-repository/2024-nics-operational-report.pdf); FBI NICS page (fbi.gov); NSSF NICS-adjusted background checks report, January 2025; Giffords Law Center NICS & Reporting Procedures (giffords.org).
The National Instant Criminal Background Check System is the backbone of federal gun ban enforcement — the mechanism that translates legal prohibitions into real-world denials at the point of sale. The numbers entering 2026 paint a picture of a system that is both enormously active and structurally incomplete. Over 500 million checks performed since 1998 and more than 2 million denials represent a massive public safety infrastructure, and the 110,000+ prohibited buyers stopped in 2024 alone demonstrates that the system is actively doing its job. The 2,758 retrieval referrals sent to ATF in 2024 — cases where a gun was transferred to a prohibited person before the background check could be completed — represent the system’s most acute failure mode, and the fact that this figure is actually down from prior years’ rates (the 2.5% referral rate compares favorably to the 3.1% average of the prior five years) suggests some improvement.
At the same time, the structural weaknesses are well-documented. NICS depends on states voluntarily submitting records of convictions, mental health adjudications, and restraining orders — and many states do so inconsistently. The 1.2 million denials based on felony and misdemeanor convictions from 1998 to September 2025 are certain to be an undercount, because state record-sharing gaps mean that some prohibited buyers pass checks that should have flagged them. The 55.7% challenge sustention rate in 2024 — meaning more than half of people who challenged their NICS denial were correctly denied — suggests the system is not generating excessive false positives, but the 28.6% overturn rate confirms that tens of thousands of Americans are being incorrectly denied each year, often because of inaccurate or incomplete records. The February 2026 policy changes from the Department of Veterans Affairs — potentially purging thousands of veteran mental health records from the background check system — add a new layer of uncertainty to what has been a relatively stable infrastructure.
Red Flag (ERPO) Law Statistics in the US 2026
| Metric | Data |
|---|---|
| States with active ERPO/Red Flag laws (Nov. 2025) | 22 states + Washington, D.C. + U.S. Virgin Islands |
| US population covered by ERPO laws (2025) | Over 50% of the US population |
| Total ERPO petitions filed (1999–2024) | At least 67,517 (Everytown analysis, Nov. 2025) |
| Percentage of ERPO petitions filed since Parkland (2018) | 97% of all petitions |
| ERPO filing increase in 2023 vs. 2022 | 59% increase in petitions filed |
| Florida — red flag orders granted (March 2018–Jan. 2025) | 21,091 orders granted |
| Florida — judge approval rate (temporary orders) | ~97% of petitions approved |
| Florida — judge approval rate (final orders) | 99% of petitions approved |
| Ex parte orders extended at final hearing | 77% of hearings resulted in ERPO being extended (6-state study, 2025) |
| Suicides prevented per ERPOs issued | Approximately 1 suicide prevented per 10 to 20 ERPOs (research estimate) |
| Indiana — mass shooting threats disrupted via ERPO (2015–2022) | 39 credible threats disrupted |
| Public support for family-initiated ERPOs | 77% of Americans support (Johns Hopkins National Survey, Jan. 2025) |
| Gun owner support for family-initiated ERPOs | 67% of gun owners support |
| Anti-ERPO states | Oklahoma, Tennessee, Montana (2025), Texas (June 2025) — banned local ERPO enforcement |
| BSCA (2022) funding for ERPO implementation | $750 million allocated in part for state/local ERPO support |
Source: Ballotpedia — Extreme Risk Protection Order Laws by State (Nov. 2025); Everytown Research “Extreme Risk Laws Save Lives” (Nov. 2025); RAND Corporation ERPO analysis; Johns Hopkins National Survey of Gun Policy (Jan. 2025); Red Flag Law Wikipedia (updated Feb. 2026).
Red flag laws — formally known as Extreme Risk Protection Orders — have become one of the most actively deployed gun ban adjacent tools in the American legal system, and by 2026, their footprint is substantial. The 22 states with active ERPO laws now cover more than half the US population, and the 67,517 petitions filed from 1999 through 2024 represent a tidal wave of utilization that accelerated dramatically after the 2018 Parkland shooting — 97% of all petitions were filed in the years after Parkland. Florida’s experience is instructive: since its law took effect in March 2018, courts have granted 21,091 red flag orders, with judges approving temporary orders approximately 97% of the time and final orders 99% of the time. The near-universal judicial approval rate suggests that petitioners are largely bringing well-founded cases rather than using the law as a harassment tool — a concern frequently raised by opponents.
The political backlash against ERPO laws has simultaneously intensified. In 2025, Texas Governor Greg Abbott signed an anti-red-flag bill into law in June 2025, Montana Governor Greg Gianforte signed similar anti-ERPO legislation in May 2025, and Tennessee has already enacted preemption legislation barring local municipalities from enforcing red flag orders. Oklahoma and West Virginia enacted earlier versions of such prohibitions. This creates a direct collision between the states that have embraced ERPOs as a gun violence prevention tool — backed by evidence showing approximately one suicide prevented for every 10 to 20 orders issued — and states that have categorically rejected the framework on Second Amendment grounds. The 77% of Americans who support family-initiated ERPOs according to the January 2025 Johns Hopkins National Survey — including 67% of gun owners — suggests the political resistance to these laws is not necessarily reflective of broader public opinion.
Ghost Guns and Illegal Weapons Ban Enforcement Statistics in the US 2026
| Metric | Data |
|---|---|
| Ghost guns (PMFs) recovered by police (2017–2023) | 92,702 privately made firearms (ATF NFCTA Vol. IV, 2025) |
| Ghost guns recovered in 2022–2023 alone | 54,722 — 44% more than the total recovered in the prior 5 years |
| Ghost guns as % of all crime guns traced (2017–2023) | Approximately 4% of all crime guns recovered and traced |
| Machine gun conversion devices (MCDs) recovered (2019–2023) | 11,088 devices — including Glock switches |
| MCD recovery increase (2019–2023) | 784% increase over 5-year period |
| MCDs recovered in 2023 alone | 5,816 |
| Firearms lost by FFLs (2016–2023) | 72,776 firearms in 9,464 incidents |
| Firearms stolen from FFLs (2017–2023) | 46,072 firearms in 7,140 incidents |
| Estimated illegally trafficked guns by end of 2026 | 1.27 million guns since 2017 (Everytown estimate, Dec. 2025) |
| Trafficked guns used in drug offenses | Nearly 28% of trafficked firearms |
| Trafficked guns used in aggravated assaults | 19% |
| Trafficked guns used in homicides | 11% |
| Average time-to-crime for all traced firearms | 8.6 years average (ATF trace data) |
| ATF FFL compliance inspection capacity cut (FY2026) | Reduction of approximately 40% in Industry Operations Investigator capacity |
| Machineguns in NFRTR (June 2025) | 2,382,403 total registered (ATF Data & Statistics page) |
Source: ATF National Firearms Commerce and Trafficking Assessment (NFCTA), Volume IV, January 2025 (atf.gov); ATF Data & Statistics (atf.gov); Everytown Gun Trafficking report, December 2025 (everytown.org); RAND Corporation analysis of ATF NFCTA data.
The data on ghost guns and illegal weapons is where the limitations of the current gun ban framework become most acute. 92,702 privately made firearms recovered by police between 2017 and 2023 represents a crisis that existing legislation was not designed to address — these weapons are assembled at home using commercially available parts kits, carry no serial numbers, and leave no paper trail through the NICS background check system. The rate of acceleration is the most alarming element: 54,722 ghost guns were recovered in just 2022 and 2023 combined, which is 44% more than the total recovered in the preceding five years combined. Despite representing approximately 4% of all traced crime guns, the ghost gun phenomenon is growing faster than any other category of illegal weapon, and the ATF’s ability to investigate unlicensed dealers — a primary source of trafficked weapons — is being curtailed by the proposed 40% reduction in Industry Operations Investigators under the FY 2026 budget.
The machine gun conversion device surge tells an equally troubling story. These devices — particularly Glock switches — can convert a standard semi-automatic handgun into a fully automatic weapon in seconds, effectively creating the functional equivalent of a banned machinegun from a legal purchase. Recoveries of these devices increased 784% between 2019 and 2023, with 5,816 recovered in 2023 alone. This is a direct challenge to the existing gun ban on civilian machinegun manufacture (which has been in place since the Hughes Amendment of 1986), because the conversion happens after the point of sale and is therefore invisible to traditional background check screening. The combination of rising ghost gun production and machine gun conversion device proliferation represents the most significant enforcement challenge to gun ban frameworks in the United States as of 2026, and the data from the ATF’s own National Firearms Commerce and Trafficking Assessment makes clear that existing legal tools are struggling to keep pace.
Gun Ban Legislative Activity and Court Decisions in the US 2026
| Event | Date | Outcome/Status |
|---|---|---|
| H.R. 3115 — Assault Weapons Ban of 2025 | Introduced 119th Congress (2025–2026) | Not enacted as of March 2026 |
| Rhode Island HB 5076 — assault rifle sales ban | 2025 | Enacted — statewide ban on assault rifle sales |
| Colorado SB 3 — assault weapon restrictions | 2025 | Enacted — new restrictions adopted |
| Washington state — gun dealer trace reporting | Effective July 1, 2025 | Dealers with $1,000+/month in sales must report annually to AG |
| Illinois HB 1373 — firearms tracing eTrace law | 2025 | Enacted |
| Connecticut HB 6859 — eTrace law | 2025 | Enacted |
| Rhode Island HB 5130 — eTrace law | 2025 | Enacted |
| Texas SB 1362 — anti-red-flag bill | Signed June 22, 2025 | Enacted — bars local red flag enforcement |
| Montana — anti-ERPO law | Signed May 8, 2025 | Enacted — bans red flag laws in municipalities |
| Supreme Court — Viramontes v. Cook County (IL) | Declined to hear, Dec. 15, 2025 | Illinois assault weapons ban upheld by inaction |
| DOJ Civil Rights Division sues D.C. | Dec. 22, 2025 | Filed suit arguing DC’s semi-auto rifle ban violates gun rights |
| NJ Assault Weapons Ban — 3rd Circuit en banc | Argued Oct. 15, 2025 | Pending decision |
| ATF FY 2026 budget cut | Proposed 2025 | $468 million cut; ~550 investigators eliminated |
| VA mental health records — background check changes | Announced Feb. 2026 | Trump administration moving to purge veteran mental health records from NICS |
| ATF — Postal Service handgun mailing rule | January 2026 | Trump administration declared 99-year-old law prohibiting handgun mailing unconstitutional |
Source: Congress.gov (H.R.3115); Giffords Law Center Gun Law Trendwatch 2025 (giffords.org); USCCA state law tracker (updated Jan. 2026); Ballotpedia ERPO tracker (Nov. 2025); Everytown Trump Administration Gun Actions tracker (Feb. 2026); ATF.gov press releases.
The legislative and judicial landscape for gun bans in the US entering 2026 is one of the most volatile in recent memory, with activity on every front simultaneously pushing in opposite directions. On the state side, the enactment of Rhode Island’s assault rifle sales ban and Colorado’s expanded assault weapon restrictions in 2025 continued the trend of blue-leaning states strengthening their gun ban frameworks, while the addition of three new eTrace firearm tracing laws in Illinois, Connecticut, and Rhode Island gives law enforcement better tools to track crime guns. The Supreme Court’s December 2025 decision to let stand the Illinois assault weapons ban — by declining to hear the Viramontes v. Cook County case — was a significant if passive victory for gun ban advocates, as it preserved one of the most comprehensive state-level bans in the country.
At the federal level, the picture is strikingly different. The Trump administration’s move in January 2026 to declare a 99-year-old law prohibiting handguns and other concealable firearms from being mailed through the Postal Service unconstitutional represents one of the most aggressive deregulatory postures toward firearms in modern federal history. Combined with the proposed $468 million ATF budget cut, the elimination of approximately 550 Industry Operations Investigators, and the February 2026 proposed purge of veteran mental health records from the NICS background check system, the federal trajectory is clearly toward reduced enforcement capacity rather than expanded gun ban reach. The pending 3rd Circuit ruling on New Jersey’s assault weapons ban could add another major data point to this picture in 2026 — and depending on how that court rules, it could set the stage for the Supreme Court to finally take up an assault weapons ban case directly.
High-Capacity Magazine Ban Statistics in the US 2026
| State | Magazine Limit | Status |
|---|---|---|
| California | 10 rounds | Banned (exception for pre-April 2013 ownership) |
| Colorado | 15 rounds | Banned |
| Connecticut | 10 rounds | Banned |
| Delaware | 17 rounds | Banned |
| Hawaii | 10 rounds | Banned |
| Illinois | 10 rounds | Banned |
| Maryland | 10 rounds | Banned |
| Massachusetts | 10 rounds | Banned |
| New Jersey | 10 rounds | Banned |
| New York | 10 rounds | Banned |
| Oregon | 10 rounds | Banned |
| Rhode Island | 10 rounds | Banned |
| Washington | 10 rounds | Sale, manufacture, distribution banned (effective July 1, 2022); possession allowed |
| Washington, D.C. | 10 rounds | Banned |
| % of mass shooting incidents involving high-capacity magazines | 40–60% of incidents | Research estimate (Smart and Schell, 2021 via RAND) |
| % of mass shooting incidents involving assault weapons | 10–30% of incidents | Research estimate |
Source: Giffords Law Center; Washington State AG Office (atg.wa.gov); RAND Corporation “Effects of Bans on Assault Weapons and High-Capacity Magazines” (January 2026 updated analysis); ammo.com state-by-state banned guns list (2025).
The high-capacity magazine ban is in many ways the companion policy to the assault weapons ban, and the two travel together in most state legislative packages. Fourteen jurisdictions — 13 states plus the District of Columbia — have enacted restrictions on magazines above a certain round threshold, with 10 rounds being the most common cutoff. The research context for these restrictions is different from assault weapons bans: while rifles account for only 2.5% of firearm homicides, high-capacity magazines (defined generally as those holding more than 10 rounds) are estimated to be involved in 40 to 60 percent of mass public shooting incidents, according to research cited in RAND Corporation’s updated analysis from early 2026. That disproportionate involvement in the highest-casualty events is the primary public health argument for these restrictions, even given the relatively low overall crime rate involving the weapons they’re designed to limit.
Washington state provides a useful case study in how these laws are structured to survive legal challenge. When Washington enacted its high-capacity magazine ban effective July 1, 2022, it prohibited the sale, manufacture, and distribution of magazines holding more than 10 rounds — but explicitly did not ban possession of magazines already legally owned. The same two-tiered structure was applied to its assault weapons ban enacted in 2023. This approach — banning new market entry while grandfathering existing ownership — is designed to avoid the most direct constitutional confrontations while still limiting the future spread of the regulated items. Whether this legislative strategy will survive ongoing Second Amendment challenges in the post-Bruen environment, where federal courts must identify historical analogs for gun regulations, remains one of the defining legal questions heading into 2026.
Disclaimer: This research report is compiled from publicly available sources. While reasonable efforts have been made to ensure accuracy, no representation or warranty, express or implied, is given as to the completeness or reliability of the information. We accept no liability for any errors, omissions, losses, or damages of any kind arising from the use of this report.

